Notes from the Underground

12.28.2005

An Answer Before the Question



These are the ground and typical floor plans for the Casa Mila in Barcelona, a multi-story apartment building begun by Antoni Gaudi in 1906. That's before Mr. Ford's novel machine caught on. On the upper floors (to the right) the large holes in the center serve as pretty typical light / air access to the apartments (corridors in this case) that surround them. On the ground floor (left) they are connected to the street by monumental archways, and serve as vehicular circulation: carriage turn-around and drop-off. But that's not what's interesting about this building.

The interesting thing is that those ground floor courts connect to ramps that curve down into the basement level. The design is such that horse and rig descend to stables below. To wit: this is an urban apartment with integrated underground parking - before the car.

So what happened? Here (and also at several other Gaudi projects) is a high-density solution to the urban vehicle problem before it was supposed to have happened. It makes one re-examine the whole timeline of the city. I've just spent a couple of weeks reading several of the obligitory books blaming the innovation of the automobile for everything short of the end of the world (a book not to read: Asphalt Nation by Kay,) and here you have thinking on the same issue prior even to the issue. Curious.

Gaudi, certainly, was ahead of his time in many areas. However, could it be that we've been framing the whole cars vs. people problem (or at least its history) in the totally wrong way? Could it be that its not a technology problem at all, but an affluence problem?

12.22.2005

The Death of Organized Labor


To paraphrase uncle Friedrich: though its shadow will be shown for some time to come, organized labor is dead. In a hilarious fit of irony, it was killed by that most Marxist of reasons: evolving material conditions that affect the technology of production. That, specifically, is cheap transport of goods and even cheaper transport of capital. The whole thing was bound to unravel from the start anyway:

The implicit labor bargain for a good piece of the Twentieth Century was, as Robert Reich put it in The Work of Nations (way back in 1991 – how prescient is this guy?) “
First, the core American corporation would plan and implement the production of
a large volume of goods. The large volume would create significant
economies of scale, thus reducing the cost of producing each unit. By
coordinating with other core corporations, prices could be set high enough to
ensure substantial revenues. A large portion of the revenues would be
reinvested in new factories and machinery, but a significant share would go to
middle managers and production workers. Organized labor, in return, would
eschew strikes and work stoppages that would interfere with high volume
production. Both sides would refrain from setting prices and wages so high
as to spur inflation.” [p.67]

The problem with the bargain? It only works in a closed system. With the advent of containerized shipping, global capital transfer, and efficient air travel, the cost imperative to locate manufacturing anywhere in particular goes largely away. With a labor market spread worldwide, unskilled and semi-skilled labor in high cost-of living areas becomes totally untenable. For the owners of the means of production, it becomes a choice of reduce your labor costs to the new standard (actually an illegal wage in most of the first world) or be massacred by the firm that has. Levi Strauss has followed the first and (mostly) survived, while Delphi is heading swiftly toward the second.

Of course, the trick of the union movement was always to rig the market: organize the entire industry so the cost of labor is artificially inflated because it’s sold by a monopoly. This only works if you are a monopoly. Organizing the Earth is a little tricky. (But it does put classical Communism in a whole new light.) They’re beginning to catch on. One of the fascinating things about the great AFL-CIO schism was that the rebel forces have realized that their only hope for the future is to organize the only market they can still monopolize: i.e. personal service workers that can’t be moved elsewhere.

Even that seems doomed to fail. One of the lessons of the NYC transit strike is that even in an insulated industry, if the cost of labor in the globally competing industries has been bid down around it, the labor pool competing for the jobs is large enough that there’s not a way to keep wages artificially high for long. (The resentment of people of the TWU is instructive.) I was struck going through Barbara Ehrenriech’s take on Wal-Mart and Naomi Klein’s on the Phillipines that their (quaint) solution was to unionize the workforce. I found myself asking if the one thought that Wal-Mart really couldn’t replace their entire workforce within a few days, or if the other thought sweatshop owners couldn’t just as easily close up shop and move to China. Would either of those benefit the worker? Something is better than nothing, after all.

I’m always a fan of a more rational, efficient market. Unfortunately, it’s still to early to tell what this will do to the idea of politics as we know it.

12.14.2005

David Brooks on Collin County?

Commenting on the natives of the "exurbs":

These men and women may not be Greatest Generation heroes, or earthshaking
inventors such as Thomas Edison, but if Thomas Edison had had a human-resources
department, and that department organized annual enrichment and motivational
conferences for midlevel management, then these people would be the marketing
executives for the back-office support consultants to the meeting-planning firms
that hook up the HR executives with the conference facilities.
I can't make out how much of the whole thing is tongue-in-cheek.